War and Peace Essay Sample
- Pages: 21
- Word count: 5,597
- Rewriting Possibility: 99% (excellent)
- Category: peace
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Introduction of TOPIC
The international system has witnessed dramatic changes in the recent past. Developments around the globe and at home challenge us to rethink the role of the United States in the international community. What is our nation’s place in this increasingly complex global picture? How do we best promote respect for human rights and the growth of freedom and justice? What can we do to nurture and preserve international security and world peace? The United States depends on knowledgeable and thoughtful students—the next generation of leaders—to build peace with freedom and justice among nations and peoples. In the belief that questions about peace, justice, freedom, and security are vital to civic education, the United States Institute of Peace established the National Peace Essay Contest to expand educational opportunities for young Americans.
The National Peace Essay Contest
+ promotes serious discussion among high school students, teachers, and national leaders about international peace and conflict resolution today and in the future; + complements existing curricula and other scholastic activities; + strengthens students’ research, writing, and reasoning skills; and + meets National Contest Standards.
What Do Essay Contest Winners Receive?
State-level selection categories include the fifty U.S. states, Washington, D.C., U.S. Territories, and American students abroad. First place state-level winners compete for national awards. 1 National award, first place: $10,000* 1 National award, second place: $5,000* 1 National award, third place: $2,500* 53 State awards, first place: $1,000 each (*national awards include state award amounts)
Invitation to the Awards Program in Washington, D.C.
First-place state winners are invited to Washington D.C., for the awards program. The Institute pays for expenses related to the program, including travel, lodging, meals, and entertainment. This unique five-day program promotes an understanding of the nature and process of international peacebuilding by focusing on a region and/or theme related to the current essay topic. Program activities have included the following: + taking part in a simulation exercise in which students assume roles of national and international leaders, examine issues, address crises, and formulate and propose solutions; + meeting with U.S. government officials and political leaders; + participating in briefings by highly regarded practitioners and foreign government officials; + visiting historical and cultural sites; + attending a musical or play; + sampling international cuisines from some of Washington’s most interesting ethnic restaurants.
Gender, War, and Peacebuilding
Contemporary analysis of war and peace issues often draws on the idea of human security—in addition to national security—to focus on the individual as well as the connections between individuals and groups within societies. In that way, peace depends on the belief by all those affected (referred to as “stakeholders”) by the outcome of a negotiated peace or the resumption of war and violence that their needs and aspirations will be taken into account. Increasingly, for some, the inclusion of women is an essential, if not the most important, element to understanding the roots of a conflict and also to develop innovative, viable solutions that can help establish sustainable peace. The importance of bringing gender into peacebuilding is not confined to redressing the violations of the human rights of women or addressing women’s economic, social, or justice needs. Instead, for many, a gendered perspective represents peacebuilding as a process of inclusion.
The inclusion of diverse groups in a society (the powerful and powerless) is important, especially those who have been victims of war; those who have been dispossessed; those who have been excluded from power, position, and access; those without a voice or capacity to influence or shape the many political, economic, and social forces that determine their choices in life; and, finally, those who can lead efforts or contribute to economic reconstruction, community development, or meeting the needs of displaced peoples as societies transition from war to peace. One of the great challenges in peacebuilding today is how to bring in marginalized groups, particularly women, most effectively into processes designed to address the effects of war and to build lasting peace. Please select two international or intranational conflicts from the past ten years and describe briefly the attempts at peacemaking and/or peacebuilding.
Choose one in which peace has been established and one in which peace efforts have failed. In comparing the outcomes of the conflicts, discuss whether inclusive and gendered approaches affected peacebuilding processes or an actual peace agreement. What does it mean to have a gendered approach to war and peace issues? In your analysis, discuss the following in 1,500 words: + Analyze how gender issues contribute to the success or failure of the peace efforts you have selected. + What is it about the needs of sustainable peacebuilding today that makes gender relevant? + What methods and approaches are the most effective in bringing marginalized groups, including women, into a peacebuilding process? + Would you recommend for future peacemaking and peacebuilding efforts the inclusion of a gender orientation to war and peace? Are there any limitations or drawbacks to the inclusion of gender issues and marginalized groups in peacebuilding efforts?
When Is the Deadline?
Entries must be received online by 11:59 PM EST, February 1, 2013.
When Do You Announce the Winners?
Participants are notified in May of their essays’ status. Students and coordinators should not contact the Institute for information about the status of the essays unless they do not receive a notice in May.
Welcome to Washington D.C.
What Does the Institute Provide to Help Students and Teachers Participate? This guidebook contains, in addition to the requirements, a national winner’s essay as a sample. Also, we have created a study guide for teachers and students. You may download the study guide as well as this guidebook from our website (www.usip.org/npec). Some hard copies of these materials are available and may be requested by using the online registration form found on our website.
Who Is Eligible?
Students are eligible to participate if they are in grades nine through twelve in any of the fifty states, the District of Columbia, the U.S. territories, or if they are U.S. citizens attending high school overseas. Students may be attending a public, private, or parochial school. Entries from home-schooled students are also accepted. Previous first-place state winners and immediate relatives of directors or staff of the Institute are not eligible to participate. Previous honorable mention recipients are eligible to enter. Students must have a contest coordinator who can review the essays and act as the key contact between participants and the Institute. It is to the student’s advantage to have a coordinator review the essay to make sure it is complete, contains all the necessary forms, is free from typographical and grammatical errors, and addresses the topic. See page 7 for further information about the contest coordinator. We encourage students of all backgrounds and ability to participate in the contest.
How Will Your Essay Be Judged?
Essays are sent to state-level judges—qualified experts selected by the Institute who evaluate the essays according to the criteria described below. National winners are selected from among the first-place state essays by the Institute’s board of directors. The decisions of the judges are final. The Institute reserves the right to present no awards at the state and national levels, or to reduce the number of awards if an insufficient number of deserving entries is received. An excellent essay uses well-researched ideas and facts to hold together logical and compelling argument(s) and presents thoughtful solution(s) to the problem. It also reflects a student’s ability to organize complex facts and ideas, bring in his/her own interesting perspectives and ideas to the analysis and recommendation(s), and pay attention to writing style and mechanics (grammar, syntax, and punctuation).
What Are the Essay Requirements?
For the purpose of the National Peace Essay Contest, an essay is a three-part paper that lays out and develops a position in response to the essay contest question. Researching the topic to gain greater knowledge about critical issues raised in the question and to find examples that support your argument is crucial. However, the essay should be more than a research paper, a narrative description of events, or a statement of opinion.
Your Essay Should Have the Following Structure
+ Introduction: Introduce the subject and state your thesis. The objective is to demonstrate that you understand the essay contest question and have
formed a response to it. + Body: Develop your arguments and assertions using research and analysis. The process of analysis may include comparing and contrasting, differentiating among several ideas or events, critiquing a variety of perspectives, interpreting results, or drawing inferences. Be sure to identify the sources of your information or ideas using a standard citation method. + Conclusion: Capture the significance of the research and analysis presented in the essay as well as your recommendations. Drawing on ideas already presented, you should demonstrate that your conclusions support the thesis you put forward. Your aim is to convince the reader that your thesis, facts, and analysis are reasonable, significant, and valid. Leave an impression.
+ Recommendations: There is no one best way to structure your recommendations. For example, you may choose to weave your recommendations throughout the body of your paper or build up to them, presenting them toward the end of your paper. The decision for how to make your ideas flow and hold together is up to you. + Credit the Sources of Information and Ideas: Use a widely used standardized method and style such as MLA, Chicago, or APA to consistently give credit to the sources of the ideas and information used in your essay. Use endnotes to give credit to the sources of your information or ideas. Do NOT use footnotes or in-text citations. Our online submission interface does not accept footnotes and in-text citations count toward your word limit. Also include a bibliography or a references list for the works that you have cited in your essay or have consulted to write your essay. Endnotes and the bibliography are not part of the total word count.
+ Essays that use a variety of sources—academic journals, news magazines, newspapers, books, government documents, publications from research organizations—fare better in the contest. General encyclopedias are not acceptable as sources, including Wikipedia.com. The USIP study guides are not acceptable as sources, but you may find the study guide bibliography a useful way to begin your own research. Essays citing general encyclopedias in notes or bibliography may be disqualified. Websites and Web pages should not be the only source of information for your essay. When citing Internet sources, include the following information: author(s), title of work, Internet address, and date information was accessed.
Your Essay Must
+ address all parts of this year’s contest question in English; + not have your name, teacher’s name, or school name anywhere in the essay; + have a descriptive title;
+ have no more than 1,500 words; the word count limit includes all words in the text, but does not include the title, bibliography, or endnotes; + follow accepted standards regarding attribution of quotations, arguments, and ideas of others, using endnotes; and + include standardized citations and a bibliography with Internet sources listed separately. For additional help writing your essay, use our study guide. A PDF version is available at www.usip.org/npec
Essay Requirement Checklist
❍ Is your essay written in English? ❍ Does the essay answer this year’s essay contest question on page 3? ❍ Does your essay address all parts of the contest question? ❍ Have you given your essay a descriptive title? ❍ Is your essay no more than 1,500 words long? ❍ Have you made sure that your name, school, or city does NOT appear anywhere in the essay? ❍ Have you scrupulously followed accepted standards regarding attribution of quotations, arguments, and ideas of others within the body of your paper and bibliography? ❍ Does your essay have standardized citations and bibliography, which follow the APA, Chicago, or MLA styles? ❍ Does your essay have endnotes? Please make sure you did NOT use footnotes. ❍ Are your Internet sources listed separately from other sources in your bibliography? ❍ Have you reminded your coordinator that s/he must approve your essay after you submit to complete the submission process? There is a grace period of twenty-four hours after your deadline for coordinators to approve the essay (Feb. 2, 2012 at 11:59 PM).
Essay Submission Directions
How Do I Apply and Submit My Essay?
We are now accepting all
essays online. All students must have a coordinator and all coordinators must register online before
+ Step 3: Once the student has received the link or coordinator key, students register either by clicking on that unique link or at http://npecregister.usip.org/ and entering their coordinator key by hand. + Step 4: Once students have registered, they can submit their essay. To submit an essay, students will complete the essay requirements checklist, enter a title, and cut and paste their essay, printed bibliography, internet bibliography, and endnotes into separate text boxes. Coordinators will be notified by email when a student has submitted an essay. + Step 5: Coordinators login to approve each student’s essay to certify that the work is the student’s own and that the information regarding the student’s eligibility is true. Student’s entries are complete only after the coordinator approves the essay.
Participating With No Access to Internet
Coordinators and students who cannot access the Internet may contact the Institute by phone to receive materials by mail. We will also send you a simple set of directions and forms for submitting paper entries. Fulfilling request for paper materials can take up to six weeks. Please plan accordingly. Please email us at [email protected] with any questions.
How to Choose a Coordinator
A coordinator is the key contact between students and the United States Institute of Peace. The coordinator may be selected by the student and can be any adult— teacher, parent, youth leader, etc. USIP does NOT select coordinators. The four requirements for the coordinators are to: 1) register online, 2) give their individual link or coordinator key to their students, 3) help each student write an essay that meets our requirements, and 4) approve the students’ essay entries online to make sure that the submission guidelines have been followed. Essays are successfully entered in the contest only when a coordinator approves the essay. Coordinators need not contact the Institute to participate.
+ ensures that essays are conceived and written by students and represent the students’ own thoughts; + reviews the essays to ensure that they follow the guidelines and to check for grammatical and typographical errors; + may coordinate individual submissions of many students (from a whole class, for example). In addition to this guide, a study guide on the essay contest topic is available from our website: www.usip.org/ npec. The study guide briefly discusses the most important issues concerning the essay question topic and also includes features such as a glossary, discussion questions, and activities to encourage critical thinking and active learning. The guide also lists readings and multimedia resources for additional learning opportunities.
2011 National Peace Essay Contest Winning Essay
+ Mimes for Good Governance: The Importance
of Culture and Morality in the Fight Against Government Corruption
National First-Place Winner
Liberal Arts and Science Academy, Austin, Texas Coordinator: Jamie Kocian
In 1993, Antanas Mockus dropped his pants and mooned a crowd of hundreds of students at Bogotá’s Universidad Nacional. Two years later, he was elected as the mayor of Bogotá.1 His notoriously unorthodox methods of problem solving and conflict resolution would bring unprecedented change to a city rank with corruption and violence. By focusing on the culture of corruption that was pervasive amongst its residents, Mockus accomplished in just a few years what none before him had. Between 2005 and 2010 in Kyrgyzstan, efforts to uphold a functioning democracy plagued with corruption led to political and ethnic violence.2 These two countries, both at war within themselves, fought for good governance in the face of internal conflict with different strategies, and their treatment of the role of society and culture in corruption played a significant role in their ultimate success or failure.
Bogotá, Colombia’s capital—the fourth largest city in Latin America and home to over seven million people, is today regarded as one of the most livable cities in Latin America.3 Conversely, in 1993, it was called the homicide capital of the world and was regarded as one of the worst cities to live in due to its rampant murder, corruption, poverty, and paramilitary activity.4 Colombia is a functioning democracy, with free elections and press, and Bogotá was no exception.5 When Antanas Mockus ran for mayor in 1995, he faced a nation with a Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) of 3.44.6 He entered a city government where party politics virtually required handouts to party members and personal friends, and supported nepotism.7 Not only were government funds widely misused, but elected officials, law enforcement and civil servants accepted bribes from drug cartels and paramilitary groups that Colombia had been at war with for years.
Paramilitary groups, such as The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Columbia (FARC), undermined good governance in Colombia and especially in Bogotá, as the city was the center of much paramilitary activity and unrest.8 Although Bogotá has sufficient laws preventing corruption,9 the general populace and government officials had little regard for them, thus creating a culture that accepted corruption, immoral acts, crime and violence because there were seldom consequences.10 Mockus, a Lithuanian immigrant, mathematician, philosopher and former rector at the Universidad Nacional, entered the mayoral race to bring good governance to Bogotá.11 He ran as an independent, and became the first independent mayor of Bogotá in history. His independence meant that Mockus, instead of engaging in political patronage, could fill his council with well-qualified experts in their fields. Mockus recognized that in Bogotá, there existed disparities between law, culture and morality that could not be remedied with legislation only. Garbage was thrown on the streets because it was morally acceptable.
People committed crimes because they would not be punished for them. In Mockus’ view public servants, like the traffic police force (which was notoriously corrupt), were vital to uphold morality in society. The traffic police in Bogotá were ineffective and accepted bribes to not record traffic violations.12 The result was what some called “chaos” in the streets of Bogotá, with 1,300 traffic deaths in 1993 alone.13 Mockus’ answer was to fire the 3,200-man traffic police force and replace them with mimes in an attempt to change the morality of the citizens of Bogotá. The mime’s job was to ridicule those who violated traffic laws— mocking jaywalkers, and pretending to push cars blocking intersections out of the way. In two months the percent of drivers following traffic laws increased from 26% to 75%.14 The public’s fear of ridicule resulted in a culture with better morals that frowned upon not only traffic violators, but lawlessness.
Continuing his philosophy of moral over legal incentives in governance, Mockus utilized legislation to create a more moral culture, which helped to reduce homicide rates by 50%, and halted the bribing of government officials and public servants. The new morality code gave meaning to anti-corruption legislation by decreasing citizens’ support to paramilitary groups and, thereby, decreased the paramilitary groups’ activity in the city, bringing Bogotá closer to peace.15 Kyrgyzstan’s history is quite different from Colombia’s past. Kyrgyzstan is a Central Asian nation of five million that, like Colombia, is a democracy and holds free elections although their fairness has been questionable.16 Kyrgyzstan possesses a widespread culture of corruption despite anti-corruption legislation, with a CPI in 2005 of 2.3 that hinders effectively dealing with internal conflict.17 Kyrgyzstan’s recent history is marred by conflict between the ethnic Kyrgyz in the north and ethnic Uzbek in the south that approached civil war at times, creating widespread tension that was also partly fueled by the pervasive corruption.
18 The Kyrgyz people have incited two revolutions to end corruption in the past ten years yet a culture of lawlessness still prevails.19 In 2005, the Tulip Revolution in Kyrgyzstan brought down an infamous, corrupt leader, President Askar Akayev.20 During his fourteen year rule, he unjustly restricted parliament in an effort to concentrate power in the presidency. Akayev, a leader guilty of nepotism and using government revenue to fund his campaign, was overthrown in the Tulip Revolution by enraged Kyrgyz after it became clear an election was obviously rigged in his favor.21 After ousting Akayev and installing a new and popular interim government led by the new President Kurmanbek Bakiyev, Kyrgzystan believed it could finally rest with a competent leader and a victory against corruption.
On July 23, 2009, after four years of rule, interim President Bakiyev won the presidential election with 85% of the vote.22 The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe deemed the election fixed and revealed to the small Central Asian country that Bakiyev was a leader just as corrupt as his predecessor. The failed election caused Kyrgyzstan’s second revolution in the past 10 years, ironically, overthrowing a leader for corrupt practices whom they had initially elected to fight corruption. Despite violent opposition to corruption in both 2005 and 2010, good governance was not evident in Kyrgyzstan due to a lack of anti-corruption culture and disregard for law.23 The violent discrimination against ethnic Uzbeks, and lawlessness that pervaded in Kyrgyzstan’s southern region in the political turmoil post-election were prime examples of the chaos within the state. Ethnic Kyrgyz and gangs of armed gunmen beat and killed over 300 ethnic Uzbeks, and caused 75,000 Uzbek refugees to flee across the border to Uzbekistan.24 Although Kyrgyz committed violent acts against Uzbeks, human rights groups reported that Uzbeks far out-numbered Kyrgyz in those charged with the crimes.
An attorney defending Uzbek clients said her clients were forced to confess, were never proven guilty, and that judges’ decisions were politically motivated.25 These corrupt practices were supported by much of the Kyrgyz ethnic majority, who yelled insults at the Uzbeks during trials. Even after such opposition to corruption, Kyrgyz committed unlawful acts that supported corrupt practices like unfair trials. Although the Kyrgyz overthrew both Bakiyev and Ayakar for their incompetence in practicing good governance, they themselves disregarded rules, like refraining from bribing police and government officials, and condemning lawlessness. Reforms on corruption in Kyrgyzstan focused on ensuring fair elections through monitoring conducted by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). Small scale efforts by organizations, like the American Bar Association, launched attempts to reform the culture and educate the masses on their role in fighting corruption.
Various reform programs, like The Street Law Program that teaches young women in Kyrgyzstan about their rights and duties under the law, have been implemented in fifty schools across Kyrgyzstan.26 As of October 2010, despite the reform efforts, Kyrgyzstan’s CPI remained unchanged.27 The success of Bogotá and Kyrgyzstan in quelling internal conflict has much to do with how the culture of corruption was treated. Kyrgyzstan and Bogotá both had the advantage of a democratic government, which, although corrupt provided the basic mechanisms for change. Such progress may not have been possible in an autocratic society.
However, it was the state’s treatment of the culture of corruption that played a large factor in deciding their fates. For an example of how cultural norms can overshadow legal incentives, one can look to the records of outstanding parking violations of diplomats who are not required to pay fines for violations. Their only incentive to not park in an illegal spot, then, is that they are morally against it, or it is not within their cultural norm. Indeed, Sudan has 120.6 unpaid violations, which with a score of 1.6, has the second lowest CPI of any country.
The three countries with the highest CPIs, Denmark, New Zealand and Singapore respectively, have a total of 3.6 unpaid violations from diplomats combined. The overall trend is that countries with low CPIs tend to have high numbers of unpaid violations.28 Mockus created a culture of model citizens concerned with upholding legal authority and good governance, while officials in Kyrgyzstan saw the effects of addressing corruption only through legislation and fair elections. Kyrgyzstan failed to address the sources feeding corruption by ignoring the power of the individual to decide the fate of its country and the integrity of its government. Third parties, like OSCE, while able to aid in surface level corruption failed to change the attitude and behavior of citizens, a fault that culminated in an ethnic conflict with massive casualties.
Corruption in elections and government offices must be addressed but those measures will not be effective if a culture of corruption persists. For nations to combat corruption, they must pay attention to Bogotá’s and Kyrgyzstan’s experiences and have third parties and leaders institute reforms to change the behavior and morality in their citizens to support and encourage good behavior. This can be accomplished with the help of third parties, legislation (like Mockus’), or through promotion of good social values in the media. Antanas Mockus said, “… there is a tendency to be dependent on individual leaders. To me, it is important to develop collective leadership. Millions of people contributed to the results that we achieved.”29 For Bogotá, Kyrgyzstan, and for the world, a culture that upholds good morals can create a world of change.
Citations & Notes
1. Colombia News. “Profile: Antanas Mockus.” Colombia Reports. Colombia News, n.d. Last accessed 1 Feb. 2011. http://colombiareports.com/colombia-news/149-2010-elections/9185-profileantanas-mockus.html. 2. National Public Radio. ”Ethnic Violence Spreads in Kyrgyzstan.” Weekend Edition. 13 June 2010. http://www.npr.org/templates/ story/story.php?storyId=127810793. 3. U.S. Department of State. “Background Note: Colombia.” 4 Oct. 2010. Last accessed 1 Feb. 2011. http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/ bgn/35754.htm. 4. Kantarius, A., Jack, J., Veileborg H. (Producers), & Dalsgaard, A (Director). 2009. “CITIES ON SPEED – Bogota Change.” 5. “Background Note: Colombia.” http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/ bgn/35754.htm. (accessed February 1, 2011). 6. The CPI ranks countries on a scale of one to ten, ten being the least corrupt. Transparency International. “Corruption Perceptions Inder 2010.” Last accessed 1 Feb. 2011. http://www.transparency.org/ policy_research/surveys_indices/cpi/2010/results. 7. 2009. “CITIES ON SPEED – Bogota Change.” 8. United Nations Refugee Agency. “Crime in Bogotá and Cali, activities of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia, FARC) and the National Liberation Army (Ejército de Libéración Nacional, ELN) in those cities, government actions
to combat the activities of these groups, and protection offered to victims.” 16 April 2009. Last accessed 1 Feb. 2011. http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/4a7040aac.html. 9. Organization of American States. Report from Colombian organizations of the civil society for presentation to the Third Round of the Committee of Experts of the Follow-up Mechanism for the Implementation of the Inter-American Convention Against Corruption -MESICIC. 2009. http://www.oas.org/juridico/PDFs/ IIIinf_hemis_en.pdf. 10. 2009. “CITIES ON SPEED – Bogota Change.” 11. Profile: Antanas Mockus.” http://colombiareports.com/colombianews/149-2010-elections/9185-profile-antanas-mockus.html. (accessed 1 Feb. 2011). 12. Dalsgaard, Andreas Mol. Bogota Change. 2009. 13. Caballero, Maria Christina. “Academic Turns City Into a Social Experiment.” Harvard Gazette. Harvard University, 2007. Last accessed 1 Feb. 2011. http://www.news.harvard.edu/ gazette/2004/03.11/01-mockus.html. 14. Fisman, Raymond. “Want to Make a Clean Break?” Editorial. Newsweek. Jan. 2009. Last accessed 1 Feb. 2011. http://www.newsweek.com/2009/01/16/want-to-make-a-clean-break.html. 15. 2009. “CITIES ON SPEED – Bogota Change.” 16. U.S. Department of State.”Background Note: Kyrgyzstan.” 4 Oct. 2010. Last accessed 1 Feb. 2011. http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/ bgn/5755.htm. 17. American Bar Association. “Analysis of Anti-Corruption Legislation in Kyrgyz Republic.” N.p., 2006. Last accessed 1 Feb. 2011. http:// apps.americanbar.org/rol/publications/kyrgyzstan-analysis-anticorruption-legislation-ru-eng.pdf. 18. Minorities at Risk. “Assessment for Uzbeks in Kyrgyzstan.” University of Maryland. 31 Dec. 2006. Last accessed 1 Feb. 2011. http://www. cidcm.umd.edu/mar/assessment.asp?groupId=70302. 19. “Analysis of Anti-Corruption Legislation in Kyrgyz Republic.” http:// apps.americanbar.org/rol/publications/kyrgyzstan-analysis-anticorruption-legislation-ru-eng.pdf. (accessed February 1, 2011). 20. Organization for Security and Co-Operation in Europe. “OSCE Chairperson announces agreement on Bakiyev’s departure from Kyrgyzstan, calls it ‘important step toward stabilization of situation.’” 15 Apr. 2010. Last accessed 1 Feb. 2011. http://www.osce.org/ cio/69167. 21. “Background Note: Kyrgyzstan.” http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/ bgn/5755.htm. (accessed 1 Feb. 2011). 22. Schwirtz, Michael. “Big Victory by Incumbent Is Questioned in Kyrgyzstan.”
New York Times. 24 July 2010. Last accessed 1 Feb. 2011. http://www.nytimes.com/2009/07/25/world/asia/25kyrgyz. html?adxnnl=1&ref=kyrgyzstan&adxnnlx=1296536639yR/ KvSvNHqdRSyibTpoi0A. 23. “Analysis of Anti-Corruption Legislation in Kyrgyz Republic.” http:// apps.americanbar.org/rol/publications/kyrgyzstan-analysis-anticorruption-legislation-ru-eng.pdf. (accessed 1 Feb. 2011). 24. Schwirtz, Michael. “Ethnic Rioting Ravages Kyrgyzstan.” New York Times. 13 June 2010. Last accessed 1 Feb. 2011. http://www. nytimes.com/2010/06/14/world/asia/14kyrgyz.html. 25. Shuster, Simon. “Signs of Uzbek Persecution Rising in Kyrgyzstan.” Time Magazine. Time Inc., 1 Aug. 2010. Last accessed 1 Feb. 2011. http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,2007709,00.html. 26. “Analysis of Anti-Corruption Legislation in Kyrgyz Republic.” http:// apps.americanbar.org/rol/publications/kyrgyzstan-analysis-anticorruption-legislation-ru-eng.pdf. (accessed 1 Feb. 2011). 27. “Corruption Perceptions Inder 2010.” http://www.transparency.org/ policy_research/surveys_indices/cpi/2010/results. (accessed 1 Feb. 2011). 28. Fisman, Raymond, and Edward Miguel. Economic Gangsters: Corruption, Violence, and the Poverty of Nations. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2008. 29. Caballero, “Academic Turns City Into a Social Experiment.”
Fisman, Raymond, and Edward Miguel. Economic Gangsters: Corruption, Violence, and the Poverty of Nations. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2008. Friedman, Thomas L. The World is Flat: A Brief History of the Twenty-First Century. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2005. 9 Web Sources American Bar Association. Analysis of Anti-Corruption Legislation in Kyrgyz Republic. N.p., 2006. Last accessed 1 Feb. 2011. http://apps. americanbar.org/rol/publications/kyrgyzstan-analysis-anti-corruptionlegislation-ru-eng.pdf. Caballero, Maria Christina. “Academic Turns City Into a Social Experiment.” Harvard Gazette. Harvard University, 2007. Last accessed 1 Feb. 2011. http://www.news.harvard.edu/gazette/2004/03.11/01-mockus.html. Colombia News. “Profile: Antanas Mockus.” Colombia Reports. Colombia News, n.d. Last accessed 1 Feb. 2011. http://colombiareports.com/ colombia-news/149-2010-elections/9185-profile-antanas-mockus.html.
Concha-Eastman, Alberto. “Ten Years of a Successful Violence Reduction Program in Bogota, Colombia.” Biblioteca virtual de desarrollo sostenible y salud ambiental, n.d. Last accessed 1 Feb. 2011. http://www.bvsde.paho.org/bvsacd/cd53/violence-bogota.pdf. Demytrie, Rayhan. “Kyrgyzstan President Bakiyev refuses to resign.” British Broadcasting Corporation. 8 Apr. 2010. Last accessed 1 Feb. 2011. http:// bbc.co.uk/2/hi/8609775.stm.
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